TLS 1- Segunda Volta

TLS 1, SEGUNDA VOLTA

Iha loron segunda dia 16 Fulan Abril 2012, povu Timor-Leste ba daruak fo tan nia votu ba elisaun Presidensial segunda ronda nian atu hili nia Presidente ba periode 2012-2017.

Dados STAE nian n’ebe fosai direta husi RTTL katak povu nebe elijivel atu vota hamutuk 627.295, maibe partisipasaun povu nian iha loron votasaun hamutuk 458.703 (73.12%) deit no vota ne’ebe validu iha eleisaun loron 16 Abril hamutuk 449.827.

Resultadu ba segunda volta mak hanesan tuir mai ne’e:

1. Distrito
Lu Olo | Taur Matan Ruak
Aileu 5,725 (29,24%) | 13,851 (70.13%)
Ainaro 7,617 (32.81%) | 15,602 (67.19%)
Baucau 27,917 (52.07%) | 27,283 (47.93%)
Bobonaro 11,689 (29.99%) | 27,283 (70.01%)
Covalima 9,421 (37.42%) | 15,755 (62,58%)
Dili 29,316 (34.21%) | 56,377 (65.79%)
Ermera 15,246 (32.94%) | 31.,042 (67,06%)
Lautem 13,340 (49.60%) | 13,555 (50.40%)
Liquica 9,723 (35.81%) | 17,426 (64.19%)
Manatutu 5,208 (26,45%) | 14,480 (73.55%)
Manufahi 9,660 (45.82%) | 11.423 (54.18%)
Oecusse 6,740 (24.08%) | 21,252 (75.92%)
Vikeke 22,784 (66.08%) | 11.693 (33.92%)

2. Nacional
a. Francisco Guterres “Lo OLo” : 174,383 (38.77%)

b. Taur Matan Ruak : 275,441 (61,23%)

Ida ne’e resultadu provisoriu, resultadu final sei fo sai ofisialmente husi Tribuanl de Rekursu

Source: RTTL

Deklarasaun husi Taur Matan Ruak, Prezidente Eleitu

Deklarasaun husi Taur Matan Ruak, Prezidente Eleitu, konaba Proklamasaun Rezultadau Eleitoral ba Prezidente Repúblika, 2012-2017
19 de Abril de 2012, 00:08

Ho rezultadu nasional final be STAE aprezenta ona no, maske, Tribunal Rekursu seidauk proklama, ha´u sei hato´o ha´u-nia deklarasaun ba dahuluk:

1 – Ha´u-nia liafuan ba dahuluk, mai husi ha´u-nia laran no diriji ba ita-nia Povu doben Timor-Leste. B asa hatene hatudu ba Mundu katak, ho sirania sivismu, disciplina no empeñu, ita prontu ona atu assumi responsabilidade konaba ita-nia futuru; ho haraik-aan tebes ha´u anuncia katak ha´u simu responsabilidade bei mi fo ba ha´u liu husi votu livre no demokrátiku.

2 – Ha´u hakarak hato´o liafuan espesial ida ba ha´u-nia Alin no Kompañeiru Lu-Olo. Ninia postura be nia asumi durante tempu kampaña tomak sai hanesan exemplar no dignu. Ba militante Fretilin sira, ha´u hakarak hatete katak laíha ema ida mak sei esklui. Itania rai presiza Timor-oan Hotu Hotu. Hanesan sidadaun responsável, ke fo onra ba partidu istóriku Fretilin, ke merese ita hot unia respeitu.

3 – Ha´u hakarak agradese, ho fraternidade no kariñu, ba organizasaun, partidu no indivídu hotu hotu ke kolabora ho ha´u íha prosesu ne´é tomak ke ita hahu husi loron 10 Outubru tinan ida liu ba no, ho intensidade bo´ot liu, durante kampaña eleitoral rua ne´é:

Veteranu

Rejiaun I

Rejiaun II

Rejiaun III

Rejiaun IV

Rejiaun Autónoma

Organizasaun Masa

01-001

Central Haburas

Dentri Halibur

Dentri JHS

Dewan Solidaritas

Eis-Militar

FITUN

FOK-FALINTIL

FRAP-FALINTIL

Fuan Domin

HAOK

Juventude Estudantes

Klibur Juventude Resistência

Mate Restu Bibleo Kraras

OCRN/CPD-RDTL

OJETIL

OPJELATIL

OPMT/OMT

Organização Arte Jenatos

Organização Resistência Loriku Matu Dotu (ORLMD)

Organização Unidade Nasional

Sagrada Família

Santo António/Bua Malus

Unidade São José/JHS

Partidu Politiku

ASDT

CNRT

FRENTE MUDANÇA

Militantes Individuais da FRETILIN

Militantes Individuais do PD

Militantes Individuais do PSD

PDM

PST

UDT

UNDERTIM

Ba servisu be realiza durante fulan hirak ikus mai, mane no feto sira ke dedika sira-nia laran ba ha´u-nia kandidatura. Ha´u-nia Ekipa da Vitória! Ba hotu hotu no, ba kada ida ida, ha´u-nia obrigadu barak!

4 – Ha´u agradese mos servisu todan no kompentente be STAE no CNE halo. Sira hatudu katak ita íha duni vontade polítika no kompeténsia atu hala´o atu eleitoral demokrátiku, livre no justu. Sem imi-nia dedikasuan no imi-nia empeñu, eleisaun ida ne´é sei lahetan susesu ida ke hanesan. Ha´u sei lahaluha atu hato´ó mos ha´u-nia agradesimentu ba voluntáriu, fiskal no observador nasional hotu hotu ba servisu diskretu no efikaz ke realiza.

5 – Ha´u agradese ho forma amistoza ida ba jornalista no órgaun komunikasaun sosial nasional hotu hotu ba servisu inkansável ke sira halo. Timor-Leste konta ho imi íha futuru atu garante asesu ba informasaun ba ita-nia populasaun no, nune´é, sai hanesan instrumentu ida ba envolvimentu no empeñamentu ita-nia Povu íha prosesu dezenvolvimentu ba ita-nia rai.

6 – Ha´u hakarak mos hato´ó ha´u-nia agradesimentu ba komunidade internasional, ba apoiu ke fo ona ba ami. Knar husi observador internacional no husi komunikasaun sosial internasional, ke marka prezensa íha elisaun rua ne´é, no ba kobertura ke hala´o liu husi relatório no artigu, ke garante kredibilidade ba atu eleitoral ida ne´é hodi merese sai tuir hanesan nível internasional. Liu husi imi mak Mundu hatene konaba ambiente pasífiku no maturidade bo´ot ba sa aktu eleitoral ida ne´é hala´o. Obrigadu atum ai to´o íha ne´é, besik ka dook no hodi transmiti ba Mundu oinsa mak Timor-Leste bo´ot ba dadaun no fortalese hanesan nasaun soberana ida.

7 – Ha´u hato´ó mos ha´u-nia omenajen ba konfisaun relijioza sira íha Timor-Leste. Ha´u hanoin hikaas fali ba asaun be hala´o ba Paz durante prosesu ida ne´é tomak ke remata íha 16 Abril.

8 – Hanesan dever elementar ida mos atu ha´u rekoñese ha´u-nia família ninia knaar be hala´o íha prosesu ida ne´é no permiti ha´u atu bele íha hamutuk hodi koalia ho imi íha ne´é ohin.

9 – Ha´u hakarak atu hato´o liafuan especial ida tebes ba Prezidente Repúblika sesante, Dr. José Ramos-Horta no hato´o ha´u-nia agradesimentu ba apoiu tomak, ke íha tinan barak nialaran, sempre dedika ba ha´u. Ha´u fiar katak sidadaun sira tomak mos kompartilla ho ha´u agradesimentu klean ida ba servisu nobre, kompetente no dignu tebes ke hala´o ba Pátria. Señor Prezidente, Exelénsia, Povu sei kontinua atu konta ho ita no, liu tiha deskansu ida ke ita merese duni, ha´u husu atu ha´u sei bele kontinua atu konta ho ita bo´ot, ba ita-nia experiénsia, mateneki no dedikasaun ba País.

10 – Ha´u konsiente tebes ba responsabilidade be ha´u sei assumi hahu husi 20 Maiu. Ha´u konta ho kontribuisaun presioza ida husi ha´u-nia antesesor na´in rua – Xanana Gusmão no Dr. José Ramos-Horta – ba futuru ida ke ho Paz, Prosperidade no Dezenvolvimentu ba ita-nia rai.

11 – Ha´u hakarak atu reafirma, lema be ha´u anuncia íha inísiu prosesu naruk ne´é: HAMUTUK BA TIMOR-LESTE IDA KE RIKU, FORTE NO SEGURU.

Ho ida ne´é hotu, objetivu ida ne´é só bele atinji hetan se sidadaun sira mos partisipa no empeña-aan mos atu lori ita-nia rai ba oin, se kopera no sai ativu íha dezenvolvimentu itania rai nian. Demokrasia ida sei la avansa no sai sólidu sem sidadania responsável.

Ha´u hakarak sai Prezidente Timor-oan HOTU HOTU no ha´u hakarak atu Timor-oan HOTU HOTU mos envolve hodi compromete ba futuru ita-nia rai nian atui ta bele garante moris ida diak liu ba sidadaun hotu hotu.

Ha´u konta ho imi HOTU HOTU. Futuru TIMOR-LESTE konta ho imi hotu hotu!

Source:www.sapo.tl

TLS 1 – Primeira Volta

Díli, 26 mar (Lusa) – O Supremo Tribunal de Recurso de Timor-Leste proclamou hoje, em cerimónia pública, válida a primeira volta das eleições presidenciais do país, que decorreu no passado dia 17 de março.

Segundo o presidente do Supremo Tribunal de Recurso timorense, Cláudio Ximenes, os resultados oficiais da primeira volta das eleições são os seguintes:

Eleitores inscritos – 625.503

Eleitores votantes – 489.933 (78,20 por cento)

Votos brancos – 6.484

Votos nulos – 18.788

Candidatos:

Manuel Tilman – 7.226 (1,56 por cento)

Taur Matan Ruak – 119.462 (25,71 por cento)

Francisco Guterres Lu Olo – 133.635 (28,76 por cento)

Rogério Lobato – 16.219 (3,49 por cento)

Maria do Céu Lopes da Silva – 1.843 (0,40 por cento)

Angelita Pires – 1.742 (0,37 por cento)

José Ramos-Horta – 81.231 (17,48 por cento)

Francisco Gomes – 3.531 (0,76 por cento)

José Luís Guterres – 9.235 (1,99 por cento)

Abílio Araújo – 6.294 (1,35 por cento)

Lucas da Costa – 3.862 (0,83 por cento)

Fernando La Sama de Araújo – 80.381 (17,30 por cento).

Segundo o Supremo Tribunal de Recurso, passam à segunda volta das eleições presidenciais, que se realiza a 16 de abril, Francisco Guterres Lu Olo e Taur Matan Ruak.

Asinatura Paktu Unidade Nasional

ASINATURA PAKTU UNIDADE NASIONAL

Iha loron 28 de Fevereiro de 2012, oras tuku 2 lokoraik, CNE realiza ceremonia asinatura Paktu Unidade Nasional iha Salaun DILI CONVENTION CENTRE (DCC)

Iha biban nee marka presensa ulun boot soberania Esatdo nian hotu, Instituisaun estado no autoridade lokal husi xefe Suco too Prezidente da Republika.

CNE mos organiza LIA NAIN sira husi Timor-Laran tomak, hodi sai sasin ba ceremonia Asinatura Paktu Unidade Nasional ida nee.

Depois de LIA NAIN sira hamulak tiha tuir ami Kandidatura Prezidente no Prezidente ka Sekretariu Jeral partido politiku sira asina hamutuk Paktu Unidade Nasional ne’ebe prepara hikas ona husi CNE.

Iha biban nee Sekretariu Jeral Partidu Demokratiku Liberal, Senhor Gaspar de Araújo hakat ba fatin asinatura Paktu Unidade hodi asina no simu mos Bua-Malus lulik husi Komisariu-Komosaria CNE nian

Sesaun ikus husi Ceremonia nee mak kandidato Prezidente da Repiblika 2012-2017 halo debato publiku, nunee povu hotu rona kandidato sira nia hanoin ka visaun konaba Timor-leste nia futuru no desemvolvimentu

Partido Demokratiku Liberal fiar katak Laos atu asina deit, maibe sei pratika duni iha asaun no hahalok durante prosesu eleisaun jeral 2012 nee, Fiar mos katak prosesu hotu sei lao tuir dalan nee demokratiku, transparaansia no kredibel. (Joao M da Costa)

Manifestu Politiku P.D.L

MANIFESTU POLÍTIKU
PARTIDU DEMOKRÁTIKU LIBERAL
TIMOR-LESTE

Manifestu Politiku Partidu Demokrátiku Liberal nian hanesan afirmasaun prinsípal nó esensial baseia ba filosofia politíka Liberal ninian

Konteudus

DALAN LIBERALISMU
PDL NIA FIAR
PROGRAMA XAVE PDL
XAVE 1 : ITA NIA FAMÍLIA
XAVE 2 : ITA NIA KOMUNIDADE
XAVE 3 : ITA NIA GOVERNASAUN
XAVE 4 : OPORTUNIDADE EKONOMIKU NÓ PROSPERIDADE
XAVE 5 : TIMOR-LESTE NÓ MUNDU

DALAN LIBERALISMU

Liberalismu nia dalan mak “nakloke ba progresu nó mudansa, iha komitmentu nó antusiasmu boot atu luta ba liberdade, Igualidade, fraternidade nó progresu sidadaun sira nian.”

Iha dalan liberalismu nian sidadaun hotu iha responsabilidade ba sira nia direitu individual, direitu sivil , direitu liberdade nó direitu ba konviksaun ida-idak nian sai hanesan fundasaun ba komunidade ida ne’ebe metin nó forte;

Ideolojia Liberalismu laos ideolojia ne’ebe estatiku, maibe baseia ba filosofia politika ida ne’ebe dinamiku, tuir valor ne’ebe rohan laek ba realidade mudansa nó obstaklu ne’ebe sosiadade sira hasoru loron ba loron. Liberdade esensial ba Liberalismu, maibe laos absoluta liberdade, Direitu ema ida-idak nian sei limite husi igualidade direitu ema seluk nian.
Demokrátiku Liberal iha nia prinsipiu politika ida ne’ebe sei kaer metin prinsipiu Konstituisional Repúblika Demokrátiku Timor-Leste nian, katak Partidu Demokrátiku Liberal sei ukun povu nasaun tuir lei (Rule by Law) nó lian maioria povu nian (Rule by Majority) liu hosi eleisaun ne’ebe livre, justu nó iha prosesu politiku ne’ebe kompetitivu. Demokrátiku Liberal hamrik iha prinsipiu nó valor demokrátiku konstitusional nó Liberal Internasional nian hodi hasoru desafius nó oportunidade ne’ebe sidadaun sira infrenta iha seklu 21 nian.

Demokrátiku Liberal fiar ba ekonomia ne’ebe baseia ba merkadu livre, rekuenese riku soin ema ida-idak nian, fo biban ba kompetisaun merkadu atu kria oportunidade nó prosperiedade ba sidadaun sira hotu. Demokrátiku Liberal fiar ba kapasidade merkadu, nunee mos ba limitasaun merkadu sira nian. Governu iha dever atu kria merkadu ne’ebe justu, nakloke nó kompetetivu.

PDL NIA FIAR

1 Maromak nuúdar Kriador Universal mak hanesan fundasaun ba existensia humanu;
2 Timor-Leste nuúdar nasaun independênte mak hanesan fundasaun ba soberania Nasional;
3 Dignidade humanu mak hanesan fundasaun ba proposta nasional;
4 Liberdade humanu mak hanesan fundasaun ba asaun nasional;
5 Sentimentu humanu mak hanesan fundasaun ba kompaisaun (simpatía) nasional;
6 Pensamentu humanu mak hanesan fundasaun ba invensaun nó Ideas;
7 Igualidade humanu nuúdar individu feto nó mane mak hanesan fundasaun ba toleransia iha familia nó komunidade;
8 Fraternidade humanu mak hanesan fundasaun ba unidade nasional, Kria amizade entre Timor-Leste ho paiz sira seluk iha mundu mak hanesan fundasaun ba paz nó estabilidade;
9 Oportunidade Ekonomiku ba ema idak-idak atu asesu ba kampu servisu nó komitmentu atu sai ema servisu nain mak fundasaun ba prosperidade (moris diak) nasional;
10 Justisa nó Leis ne’ebe vigora iha Timor-Leste nómos konvensaun Internasionál ne’ebe ita nia nasaun adopta ona mak hanesan fundasaun atu garante direitu nó dever sidadaun nian;

PROGRAMA XAVE PDL

Atu implementa lolos PDL NIA FIAR hirak ne’ebe hakerek ona iha leten, PDL difini ona programa xave (key programe) 5 (lima) ne’ebe sei sai hanesan programa prinsipal no fundamental, programa xave hirak ne’e bele realize kuandu povu Timor-Leste fo ona fiar ba PDL atu kaer ukun.
Programa xave 5 (lima) mak hanesan tuir mai ne’e:

Xave 1: ITA NIA FAMILIA
Xave 2: ITA NIA KOMUNIDADE
Xave 3: ITA NIA GOVERNASAUN
Xave 4: OPORTUNIDADE EKONOMIKU NÓ PROSPERIDADE
Xave 5: TIMOR-LESTE NÓ MUNDU

Deskrisaun kada programa xave hirak iha leten sei deskreve detalhamente iha pajína tuir mai

XAVE 1: ITA NIA FAMILIA

Familia sira iha fatin as liu ba ema ida-idak nian desde inisiu, Labarik sira sei moris iha ambiente solidaridade, formasaaun moral nó etika, aprende respeitu nó hetan edukasaun atu hadomi ema seluk no aprende hadomi nasaun.

Demokrátiku Liberal nia politiku ba familia mak sei promove nó suporta familia hanesan instituisaun fundamental atu desenvolvimentu ema ida-idak nuúdar individual liliu labarik sira, familia ne’ebe metin nó forte sei produz jerasaun foun nó jerasaun futuru ne’ebe iha saude diak-mentalidade diak.

Demokrátiku Liberal nia komitmentu atu hadia moris familia nian mak:

• Aseita ema nudar individual ida, livre eskolia nó livre hato’o expresaun;
• Prepara asistensia humanu ba familia sira ne’ebe laiha liu servisu (desempregu) nó defisientes sira, ema moras sira no katuas ferik sira;
• Prepara asistensia ba Inan sira neébe kiak tebes iha tempu sira “Tuur Ahi’’. nune Inan sira iha kondisaun atu produz susuben Inan nian ba bebe durante fulan neen nia laran;
• Prepara proposta ida konaba “bolsa da familia”, Familia kiak sira iha direitu atu hetan posibilidade no kondisaun atu sustenta sira nia familia, liliu familia sira ne’ebe hela iha knua isoladus sira;
• Prepara ba labarik sira nó adultus sira hotu atu asesu ho kompetitivu nó kompletu ba edukasaun ne’ebe hahu husi sira sei eskola to’o ba sira nia kareira servisu nian iha futuru mai;
• Estabelese uma hela fatin ba familia ida-idak, Governu tenke promove programa kreditu uma hela fatin ba familia ida-idak, familia sira iha posibilidade finansial atu selu oituan-oituan iha tempu naruk.
• Prepara asistensia saude nian ba ema hotu nó familia hotu;
• Kria kampu (fatin) servisu nó oportunidade ekonomia ba familia sira iha rai laran tomak;
• Sidadaun hotu, liliu Labarik sira sei hetan protesaun atu Livre husi kiak nó tauk;
• Halo revisaun nó hasae pensaun basiku ba terseira idade (idozus) sira, defisientes sira atu hetan dignidade nó seguransa ba sira nia moris, sira sakrifika sira nia vida tomak iha prosesu independensia nasaun nee nian;
• Halo revisaun nó hasae pensaun basiku ba familia Kombatentes Libertadores Nasional sira nó Joven sira ne’ebe sakrifika sira nia an iha tempu rezistensia nian;
• Haforsa nó kapasita to’os nain sira (agrikultor) iha kada familia atu hetan nó hasae produsaun to’os nian ba sira nia nesesidade rasik;
• Hamosu servisu temporaríu iha baze nune ema hotu iha oportunidade bele hetan income (pendapatan) ba sira nia familia;

Xave 2: ITA NIA KOMUNIDADE

Demokrátiku Liberal nia Politika ba ita nia komunidade mak prepara infra-estruktura basiku iha edukasaun, saude nó nesesidade basíku seluk bodik ba komunidade nian, lilu komunidade sira iha area remotas ne’ebe dok husi sidade.

Demokrátiku Liberal fiar katak komunidade ne’ebe forte mak komunidade sira ne’ebe moris iha sosiadade ida ne’ebe amizade, moris iha seguransa nia laran, respeita malu, dok husi ameasa nó tauk, ema hotu moris kontente, ema hotu moris livre.

Povu sira moris iha komunidade ida ne’ebe iha dignidade nó valor kultura orijin nó konviksaun rasik, Kolaborasaun diak ho igreja katólika ne’ebe sai hanesan fiar nain maioria nó relijiaun minoria sira seluk ne’ebe existe iha Timor-Leste atu desenvolve etika moral povu nó sidadaun sira nian.

Komunidade sira iha liberdade atu moris iha ambiente lokal ne’ebe moós nó fresku, asesu ba infra-estruktura prinsipal sira hanesan we mos, eletrisidade, estrada ne’ebe diak atu komunidade sira bele kuda, produz no transporta sira nia produtus agrikola ba merkadu tradisional, lokal nó nasional nian.

Demokrátiku Liberal nia politika atu harii komunidade ne’ebe metin no forte mak tenke:
• Proteje direitu sivil nó promove asesu ba moris komunidade sira hotu, prevene diskriminasaun iha empregu;
• Harii hikas ambiente seguransa ba sidadaun sira iha fatin hotu, liu husi prevensaun krimi, aumenta númeru no kapasita Policia Komunitaríu sira nune Policia Komunitaríu sira bele servi diak liu komunidade husi Knua too sidade sira hotu;
• Halo divulgasaun no disiminasaun Leis no regulamentus sira ba komunidade, nune komunidade sira hetan kuenesementu diak konaba direitus sira, dever sira, sistema justisa formal nó informal sira ne’ebe vigora ona iha ita nia nasaun;
• Prepara no estabelese sistema transporte publiku, nune komunidade sira bele iha oportunidade nó liberdade atu goza nó halo viajen iha rai laran nó ba rai liur;
• Preserva nó estabelese ambiente fresku, hari ambiente VERDE nó spasu nakloke ba komunidade sira iha knua kiik nó sidade sira nian;
• Preserva nó promove kultura orijinal Timor-Leste ne’ebe sei sai hanesan valor kultural ne’ebe unik iha mundu, hanesan riku soin boot ne’ebe bei–ala sira husik hela ba jerasaun foun sira hanesan We matan lulik, Fatuk lulik nó foho lulik sira;
• Hetan deliberasaun diak iha saude nian, edukasaun nó servisu sira ne’ebe seluk ba komunidade sira iha knua nó sidade sira
• Promove nó suporta programa asistensia ba empresa Kiik sira, krediktu ba Kooperativu iha area rural sira;
• Loke nó estabelese sentru saude nó sentru edukasaun iha fatin hotu liliu iha knua sira ne’ebe isoladu nó dok husi Postu saude sira;
• Kria nó promove aktividades ba grupus Agrikultores sira, grupus Peskadores sira nó grupus Pekuarias nian sira ne’ebe sei harii iha knua sira ne’ebe sei lori ema barak hetan servsiu nó Income (pendapatan) nune sira bele sustenta sira nia Vida loron-loron;

Xave 3: ITA NIA GOVERNASAUN

Prinisipiu Liberalismu modernu fiar katak governu presisa halo intervensaun forte ba setor publiku. Defende, proteje, regulariza nó promove setor privadu. Governu tenke suporta nó oferese asistensia finanzeiru ba setor privadu ne’ebe bele fornese benefisia ba publiku.

Dezisaun governu tenke foti duni, tenke hare duni dezisaun nee ba iha interese publiku. Governu tenke bele halao sira knar tuir lei. Atu salva guarda objetivu sira nee, Demokrátiku Liberal suporta governu ida ne’ebe nakloke ba publiku nó iha mekanismu ne’ebe efektivu nó iha akuntabilidade diak.

Airin estruktura Governu ne’ebe metin nó forte, Airin Parlamentu Nasional nian nó bankada partidu hanesan representante povu nian nó fiskaliza servisu governu nian , Airin Tribunal nian ne’ebe independente sei proteje duni liberdade sidadaun nian.

Demokrátiku Liberal suporta ita nia sistema judisiaríu ne’ebe independente atu nune governu sei funsiona tuir lei ne’ebe iha nó ema sidadaun hotu sei hetan tratamentu husi justisa ida ne’ebe justu nó imparsial.

Demokrátiku Liberal suporta governu atu haforsa setor justisa nian nó harii instituisaun sira seluk ne’ebe liga ho boa governasaun ne’ebe diak nó forte atu kombate korupsaun.

Demokrátiku Liberal sei suporta governu ida ne’ebe ho estruktura simples, estruktura governu ne’ebe todan sei hatodan ba gastus ne’ebe makas ba orsamentu estadu nian.

Demokrátiku Liberal suporta mos governu atu halo reforma nó moderniza administrasaun publika, liu husi kriasaun nó promove governasaun ne’ebe effetivu, asesibel nó transparente. Reforma kareira servidores governó ka estadu sira nian (funsionarius du estadu, Policia nó Forza Armadas) nó servidores povu sira nian (liliu edukasaun nó saude)

Demokrátiku Liberal suporta governu atu halo diak liu tan ita nia sistema edukasaun, saude, ambiente, enerjia, sistema transporte, habitasaun diak ba ema hotu.

Demokrátiku Liberal suporta programa desentralizasaun, nune governu lokal iha poder atu desenvolve sira nia programa rasik ba sira nia desenvolvimentu rasik. Governu tenke promove ona lei ba kriasaun kamara munisipal, nune prosesu desenvolvimentu iha area remotas sira bele dudu lalais, responsabilidade bele fahe entre kompetensia governu sentral nó governu lokal (kamara munisipius).

Kriasaun Kamara munisipiu sei hamosu oportunidade boot ba sidadaun sira ne’ebe hela iha baze, sira bele partisipa iha prosesu desenvolvimentu nee, oportunidade atu hetan servisu mos nakloke atu ema hotu sente duni ukun rasik an ida nee.

Xave 4: OPORTUNIDADE EKONOMIKU NÓ PROSPERIDADE

Demokrátiku Liberal fiar iha sosiadade ida ne’ebe forte katak ema ida-idak iha oportunidade atu desenvolve sira nia potensia nó sidadaun hotu iha oportunidade atu atinji sira nia mehi sira;

Demokrátiku Liberal hakarak tebes desenvolve ekonomia ne’ebe bele fo kualidade servisu nó estandar moris nian ba ema hotu, povu hotu, sidadaun hotu iha Timor-Leste laran tomak.

Demokrátiku Liberal nia komitmentu konaba oportunidade nó prosperidade ba sidadaun sira nian, Demokrátiku Liberal sei:
• Promove merkadu ne’ebe kompetitivu liu husi halakon sistema monópoli nó pratika negosiu foer sira;
• Promove sidadaun hotu bele atu investe nó kria rasik sira nia empregu nó negosiu, Sidadaun hotu Livre hili servisu tuir sira nia profesaun nó intereses sira;
• Loke odamatan ba mundu internasional atu Timor-Leste bele atrai investimentu global;
• Desenvolve Kooperativa sira, Enterprises Sosial ne’ebe bele hamosu ideas negosiu oi-oin ne’ebe imaginative nó inóvativu, enkoraza deversidade, ekonomia ne’ebe sustentabel iha longu prazu, importante atu kria duni ekonomia mistu ne’ebe iha balansu diak nune bele hatan ba nesesidade lokal nó nesesidade nasional nian;
• Promove kriasaun servisu iha investimentu longu prazu iha setor saude, edukasaun, enerjia nó Infra-estruktura liu husi kresimentu produsaun enerjia alternative, moderniza infra-estructura nó uma sira;
• Hasae kualidade infra-estruktura sistema komunikasaun nó transportasaun ba klase mundial, inkluindu planu diak ba broadband nasional iha teritoriu laran;
• Loke dalan ba inóvasaun nó desenvolvimentu sistema informasaun nó teknolojia komunikasaun nian, informatizasaun sistema justisa, saude nó edukasaun nian nó moderniza sistema elektrisidade;
• Harii inóvasaun iha ekonomia liu husi moderniza infra-estruktura ne’ebe mak sai hanesan fundasaun ba estabilidade ekonomia nó prosperidade iha longu prazu;
• Loke oportunidade ba joven sira oportunidade atu bele kontinua sira nia estudu depois akaba eskola sekundaria ba iha nivel ensino tekniku superior nó universidade nian, labarik nó joven mak futuru ekonomia ba Timor-Leste, ita nia kompetisaun ekonomia depende ba labarik nó joven sira hotu nia edukasaun ne’ebe sei lori sira susesu iha ekonomia global;
• Promove setor Publiku nó setor Privadu atu kria ambiente dinamiku ba siensia nó inóvasaun, nune’e bele salva guarda liberdade nó independensia atu halo estudu sientifiku nó peskiza nune bele deskobre nó desenvolve sientista sira nian.

Xave 5: TIMOR-LESTE NÓ MUNDU

Timor-Leste sei kontinua kuda nó haburas politika amizade nó kooperasaun ho paíz oi-oin iha mundu, Demokrátiku Liberal rekuenese katak prosesu Timor-Leste ba ukun rasik an la ses husi kolaborasaun politiku globalizasaun ninian.

Interese internasional Timor-Leste nian sai nuúdar dominiu importante, evolusaun ekonómiku ita nia nasaun sei la ses husi influensia politika paíz CPLP, ASEAN, Forum Illas Pasifikus, APEC ne’ebe tama mos Australia, Nova Zelandia nó Nasaun dominantes iha Azia hanesan Xina, Japaun nó Korea do Sul.

Demokrátiku Liberal fiar katak iha futuru sei haburas valor no prinisipus Liberal internasional ninian, liu-liu nasaun desenvolvidu sira iha mundu ho ideolojia Liberalismu iha America do Nórte, Europa, Afrika, Australia nó Asia.

Demokrátiku Liberal fiar katak Timor-Leste nia relasaun politíka externa ho paíz sira seluk tenke:
• Hametin nó mantein relasaun diak ho paiz parseiru sira, nune paíz parseiru sei tulun nafatin Timor-Leste nudar nasaun foun- nasaun kiik iha mundu nó iha Asia Pasifik;
• Partisipa iha organizasaun internasional hanesan ONU nó organizasaun internasional sira seluk;
• Servisu makas hamutuk ho paíz hotu iha mundu atu proteje ambiente global liu husi programa protesaun ba ita nia floresta rasik ne’ebe hola parte iha floresta mundial nian, preserve biodeversidade ne’ebe krusial nó luta hasoru globalizasaun mudansa klimatika;
• Promove kolaborasaun internasional nune’e bele dudu nó atrai investimentu externa nó relasaun ekonomia mutua ho nasaun sira seluk;
• Desenvolve nafatin kapasidade ekonomía Timor-leste iha kompetisaun internasional atu benefisia globalizasaun ekonómiku nó lalaok investementu nian;
• Moderniza ita nia forza armadas Timor-Leste atu bele serví nó defende Timor-Leste nia soberania, nune’e mos ita nia forza armadas bele hola parte iha mizaun paz ONU nian.

Hakotu iha : DILI
Loron Segunda, 28 fulan Novembru 2011

 

KONSELLU EXEKUTIVU

PREZIDENTE           
MARITO DE ARAÚJO

 

SEKRETARÍU JERÁL                                 
GASPAR DE ARAÚJO

P.D.L Tama ba CNE

Maubere sira,

Ohin dia 24 de Fevereiro de 2012, PDL halo resposta ba pedido husi Prezidente CNE, DR Faustino Cardoso Gomes, MSi

Asuntu Karta ne’ebe prezidente haruka mai PDL data 15 den Junho de 2011 mak: PDL tenke haruka no aktualiza lalais statuto foun, Manual politika foun, struktutra foun, sertifikadu hsui Tribunal, Publikasaun husi RTTL, Sede Nasional PDL nian.

Nune’e iha biban ida ohin Sr Joao Maupelo da Costa, hatama ona ba CNE iha oras 11.30 am, no haruka ba Tribunal de Rekursu oras 12.00PM

Iha biban ida ohin Sr Joao M da Costa lori mos bandeira PDL nian ba iha CNE, iha tempu badak (28 de 02-2012) Bandeira PDL nian sei hasae ona iha SEDE CNE nian iha Dili.

Kluer tebes CNE hein PDL nia dokumentus hirak nee atu kompleta ba CNE nomos haruka kopia ida ba Tribuanl Recurso nian.

Hau sente kman oituan ona, tan durante fulan hirak nia laran hau sei prepara hela dokumentus sira nee antes halo jilid no haruka ba CNE, tenik Sr Joao M da Costa.

Tuir mai PDL konsentra deit ona ho konsolidasaun iha lideransa nasional nomos Promotor Nasional sira, PDL fiar katak iha eleisaun jeral 2012 ne’e PDL sei bele HAKAT LIU bareira 3 % ne’ebe iha.

Ba struktura tomak PDL nian iha Timor-Leste nomos iha Rai Liur, hotu-hotu tenke servisu makas, nune’e PDL bele duni atinji mehi ne’ebe iha.

Obrigadu wain

K-12

Liberal Seklu 21

Oxford Manifesto 1997
The Liberal Agenda for the 21st Century:
The Liberal Manifesto, adopted by the 48th Congress of Liberal International on 27-30 November 1997 in The Town Hall in Oxford, UK

Inspired by the founders of the Liberal International who fifty years ago launched the Liberal Manifesto, 475 Liberals from every continent have returned to Oxford on 27¬30 November 1997 to consider Liberal responses to the challenges and opportunities that emerge on the threshold of a new millennium.
Over the past 50 years, substantial progress has been made in establishing open societies based upon political and economic liberty. However, there is still a long way to go. New generations have to define liberal priorities in the face of new opportunities and new dangers.
There remain many challenges to Liberalism: from the violation of human rights, from excessive concentrations of power and wealth; from fundamentalist, totalitarian, xenophobic and racist ideologies, from discrimination on grounds of sex, religion, age, sexual orientation and disability; from poverty and ignorance, from the widening gap between rich and poor; from the misuse of new technologies, from the weakening of social ties, from competition for scarce resources, from environmental degradation in an overcrowded world, from organised crime and from political corruption. Our task as Liberals in the 21st Century will be to seek political responses to these new challenges which promote individual liberty and human rights, open societies and economies, and global cooperation.

Our Liberal Values

We reaffirm our commitment to the principles of Liberalism set out in the International Liberal Manifesto of April 1947: that liberty and individual responsibility are the foundations of civilised society; that the state is only the instrument of the citizens it serves; that any action of the state must respect the principles of democratic accountability; that constitutional liberty is based upon the principles of separation of powers; that justice requires that in all criminal prosecution the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, and to a fair verdict free from any political influence; that state control of the economy and private monopolies both threaten political liberty; that rights and duties go together, and that every citizen has a moral responsibility to others in society; and that a peaceful world can only be built upon respect for these principles and upon cooperation among democratic societies. We reaffirm that these principles are valid throughout the world.
Freedom, responsibility, tolerance, social justice and equality of opportunity: these are the central values of Liberalism, and they remain the principles on which an open society must be built. These principles require a careful balance of strong civil societies, democratic government, free markets, and international cooperation.

We believe that the conditions of individual liberty include the rule of law, equal access to a full and varied education, freedom of speech, association, and access to information, equal rights and opportunities for women and men, tolerance of diversity, social inclusion, the promotion of private enterprise and of opportunities for employment. We believe that civil society and constitutional democracy provide the most just and stable basis for political order. We see civil society as constituted by free citizens, living within a framework of established law, with individual rights guaranteed, with the powers of government limited and subject to democratic accountability.
We believe that an economy based on free market rules leads to the most efficient distribution of wealth and resources, encourages innovation, and promotes flexibility.

We believe that close cooperation among democratic societies through global and regional organisations, within the framework of international law, of respect for human rights, the rights of national and ethnic minorities, and of a shared commitment to economic development worldwide, is the necessary foundation for world peace and for economic and environmental sustainability.

The advance of Liberalism, 1947-97

We welcome the progress made over the past fifty years in putting Liberal principles into practice in a growing number of countries:
the return of freedom and democracy to the former communist countries in Europe
the spread of democratic government and the rule of law.
the end of colonialism, with previously-subject peoples gaining the opportunity for self-government.
the retreat of the state from control of national economies, with widespread acceptance that market economies create wealth more effectively and distribute it more widely.

the transformation of education from a privilege for a minority to a life-long process for a rising proportion of citizens.
growing respect for human rights, both within states and as a subject for international oversight and – where necessary – intervention.
a growing national and international awareness of the human rights of women and children.
the extension of the rules of equality to sexual minorities and the recognition that homosexuality and lesbianism are legitimate expressions of personal proclivities.

the consolidation of an open international economy, within an agreed framework of international regulation.
the strengthening of international law and of global and regional institutions.
increased freedom of information, communication and travel, both within and across national boundaries.
acceptance that shared responsibility within the world community extends to a common obligation to tackle world poverty and to protect the global environment.

The challenge for our generation

We recognise that these achievements have been won so far for only a minority of humankind.
The challenges we face in the next fifty years are to build on what has been achieved, to extend the principles of liberalism throughout the world, and to harness the forces of change to consolidate rather than to undermine the development of open societies.
The challenges we face include:

1. The challenge of extending democracy.
Liberal democracy has at last become widely accepted as the global model for political organisation. But only a minority of states are yet properly democratic. Authoritarian regimes, military elites usurping power, abuse of state powers for partisan purposes, criminal elements gaining influence over government, power-seekers exploiting popular hopes and fears, still block the path to liberty. We call on all governments and peoples
* to discriminate in international relations in favour of governments which observe the rules of human rights and democracy;
* to abolish capital punishment all over the world;
* to strengthen the rule of law and to promote good governance within a genuinely democratic framework;
* to redirect public spending from military expenditure towards investment in social capital, sustainability, and the alleviation of poverty;
* to limit the sale of arms, and to prevent the sale of the means of repression to non-democratic regimes, and to promote the effectiveness of the UN register of conventional arms;
* to combat corruption, organised crime and terrorism;
* to promote media free from undue control or interference by government or dominant companies;
* to instil through education the crucial importance of tolerance to the very existence of a civilised society

2. The challenge of violence and of global governance.
In a world filled with violent conflicts, one of the most critical tasks is to find effective means of avoiding violence. An increasingly interdependent world also requires a high standard of international cooperation to promote a secure, sustainable and equitable world order. Transnational crime, intractable disease, environmental pollution and the threat of climate change pose additional challenges for international cooperation. Liberals are committed to strengthen global governance through the United Nations and through regional cooperation. We call on all governments to join in the initiative to establish an international criminal court with jurisdiction over war criminals. Our objective in the 21st century is to build a liberal world order securely based upon the rule of law and backed by appropriate global and regional institutions.

3. The challenge of improving democracy.
We recognise that democratic practices must be extended further to meet the expectations of more educated societies and to protect against disillusionment with representative government. Citizens deserve better access to information, more effective parliamentary controls on executive power, wider opportunities to play an active part in public life and to question their governments. The principle of subsidiarity must be fully respected, to give the maximum autonomy to regions and local communities. Effective decentralisation of political power to self-governing communities remains the best way to empower every citizen.

4. The tension between self-government and human rights.
Self-government, more specifically state sovereignty, can conflict with individual freedom and human rights. Authoritarian regimes abuse the principle of sovereignty to bar intervention to support those who are denied freedom. Liberals insist that human rights are indivisible and universal, and do not depend on citizenship of a specific state, or on membership of a particular ethnic or social group, gender, religion or political party. Adequate sanctions should be found by the international community against governments which refuse to observe the principles of an open international society.

5. The challenge of poverty and social exclusion.
Poverty, unemployment, and social exclusion blight the lives of men and especially of women, children and the elderly, and present major dangers to civil society. Poverty breeds despair and despair breeds extremism, intolerance and aggression. The central question in the alleviation of poverty is how to provide people with the means to fight poverty themselves, to lift themselves out of poverty. We call for an active policy, creating opportunity for education and employment, assistance for those who cannot help themselves, resting upon a partnership between public and private provision. Public institutions and welfare systems must be as flexible and as locally administered as possible, aiming to promote individual responsibility and respond to individual circumstances.

6. The challenge of lean government.
The age-old misconception that it is government’s business to organise people’s happiness is heading for crisis, if not collapse, all over the world. In most industrialised countries, exaggerated and ill-targeted systems of social security and redistribution threaten to break down, and state budgets to impose ever-increasing debt burdens on future generations. In developing countries, attempts to promote development exclusively or predominantly by government action are bound to fail, through overloading government and stifling private initiative, the only factor that can produce really sustainable development. Liberals recognise that the capacity of government is limited, that ‘big government’ and the growth of state expenditure are themselves serious threats to a free society, and that limiting the scope of government and retrenchment of government spending must therefore be given priority.

7. The need for a new contract between generations.
We recognise the tensions between the immediate pressures of demand and consumption and the long-term interests of community and environment, with which governments as trustees for society must be concerned. We seek a new contract between generations, recognising the benefits which current consumers and citizens have received from earlier investment and the responsibilities they carry to maintain and renew the natural environment, cultural treasures, public assets and social capital for future generations. Prices should reflect the underlying costs of pollution and of the exploitation of natural resources.

8. The challenge of scientific and technological progress.
We welcome the economic and social opportunities presented by new technologies and scientific innovation. But we also recognise the need for public scrutiny of their potential impact, and misuse, and for national and international regulation. The precautionary principle should be the governing principle in all sectors of human activity. This is particularly true for the threat of climate change, which mankind has to address immediately. Binding agreements and timetables for substantial reductions of the consumption of fossil fuels are urgently needed. Consumption must be kept within the regenerative capacities of the ecosystems. All chemicals, genetically engineered substances and industrial products should be carefully tested before they are commercially utilised. We also welcome the revolution in communications, which offers new opportunities to promote creativity, decentralisation, and individual autonomy and initiative. Liberals insist upon diverse channels of communication, provided through competition in the open market. Information, networks and other communication structures must be widely accessible, with open systems for producers and consumers and public interest bodies.

9. The challenge of creating open markets.
Open societies need open markets. A liberal, open and tolerant society requires a market economy. Political freedom and economic freedom belong together. With the markets of ideas and innovations, with the competition for the best solution, the market economy creates a dynamic progress that provides the best opportunity for an independent life. With the underlying principle of private property and a legal framework to prevent monopolies, open markets generate private initiative and the economic means for social assistance. Bureaucratic regulations of market economics and protectionism are therefore barriers for new chances and new jobs in developing countries as well as in the industrialised world.
In order to achieve an ecologically and socially sustainable development the emphasis should be shifted from taxation of labour to taxation of energy and raw material consumption. Without such a change the environmental problems and the unemployment will continue to increase.

10. The challenge of world-wide development.
Corrupt and authoritarian government, weak states and societies, unemployment, impoverishment, illiteracy, and over-population all contribute to environmental degradation, generate flows of migrants and refugees, and provoke revolts against political and social order. It is in the long-term self-interest of the developed world to encourage human progress, and assist economic development within poor countries; it is also a moral responsibility. Since open global markets best serve to promote prosperity, within both rich and poor countries, Liberals will have to aggressively re-emphasise, and to the best of their ability implement, their firm conviction that free trade, by giving the best opportunities to the economically weak, is the safest way towards overcoming poverty in the world. Resistance to economic protectionism therefore remains a key Liberal commitment.
At the dawn of the 21st century we commit ourselves as Liberals to work together to meet these challenges. We reaffirm the Liberal commitment to place the freedom and dignity of every human being at the centre of our political life.

Source: http://www.liberal-international.org/editorial.asp?ia_id=537

Saida mak Liberalisme?

Liberalisme

Liberalisme atau Liberal adalah sebuah ideologi, pandangan filsafat, dan tradisi politik yang didasarkan pada pemahaman bahwa kebebasan adalah nilai politik yang utama.
Secara umum, liberalisme mencita-citakan suatu masyarakat yang bebas, dicirikan oleh kebebasan berpikir bagi para individu. [2] Paham liberalisme menolak adanya pembatasan, khususnya dari pemerintah dan agama.
Dalam masyarakat modern, liberalisme akan dapat tumbuh dalam sistem demokrasi, hal ini dikarenakan keduanya sama-sama mendasarkan kebebasan mayoritas.

Bandingkan.

• 1 Pokok-pokok Liberalisme
• 2 Dua Masa Liberalisme
• 3 Pemikiran Tokoh Klasik dalam Kelahiran dan Perkembangan Liberalisme Klasik
• 4 Relevansi kekuatan Individu Liberalisme Klasik dalam Demokrasi dan Kapitalisme

Pokok-pokok Liberalisme

Ada tiga hal yang mendasar dari Ideologi Liberalisme yakni Kehidupan, Kebebasan dan Hak Milik (Life, Liberty and Property).[2] Dibawah ini, adalah nilai-nilai pokok yang bersumber dari tiga nilai dasar Liberalisme tadi:

1) Kesempatan yang sama. (Hold the Basic Equality of All Human Being). Bahwa manusia mempunyai kesempatan yang sama, di dalam segala bidang kehidupan baik politik, sosial, ekonomi dan kebudayaan.
Namun karena kualitas manusia yang berbeda-beda, sehingga dalam menggunakan persamaan kesempatan itu akan berlainan tergantung kepada kemampuannya masing-masing. Terlepas dari itu semua, hal ini (persamaan kesempatan) adalah suatu nilai yang mutlak dari demokrasi.
2) Dengan adanya pengakuan terhadap persamaan manusia, dimana setiap orang mempunyai hak yang sama untuk mengemukakan pendapatnya, maka dalam setiap penyelesaian masalah-masalah yang dihadapi baik dalam kehidupan politik, sosial, ekonomi, kebudayaan dan kenegaraan dilakukan secara diskusi dan dilaksanakan dengan persetujuan – dimana hal ini sangat penting untuk menghilangkan egoisme individu.( Treat the Others Reason Equally.)
3) Pemerintah harus mendapat persetujuan dari yang diperintah. Pemerintah tidak boleh bertindak menurut kehendaknya sendiri, tetapi harus bertindak menurut kehendak rakyat.(Government by the Consent of The People or The Governed)
4) Berjalannya hukum (The Rule of Law). Fungsi Negara adalah untuk membela dan mengabdi pada rakyat. Terhadap hal asasi manusia yang merupakan hukum abadi dimana seluruh peraturan atau hukum dibuat oleh pemerintah adalah untuk melindungi dan mempertahankannya. Maka untuk menciptakan rule of law, harus ada patokan terhadap hukum tertinggi (Undang-undang), persamaan dimuka umum, dan persamaan sosial.
5)Yang menjadi pemusatan kepentingan adalah individu.(The Emphasis of Individual)
6) Negara hanyalah alat (The State is Instrument). Negara itu sebagai suatu mekanisme yang digunakan untuk tujuan-tujuan yang lebih besar dibandingkan negara itu sendiri. Di dalam ajaran Liberal Klasik, ditekankan bahwa masyarakat pada dasarnya dianggap, dapat memenuhi dirinya sendiri, dan negara hanyalah merupakan suatu langkah saja ketika usaha yang secara sukarela masyarakat telah mengalami kegagalan.
7) Dalam liberalisme tidak dapat menerima ajaran dogmatisme (Refuse Dogatism). Hal ini disebabkan karena pandangan filsafat dari John Locke (1632 – 1704) yang menyatakan bahwa semua pengetahuan itu didasarkan pada pengalaman. Dalam pandangan ini, kebenaran itu adalah berubah.

Dua Masa Liberalisme

Liberalisme adalah sebuah ideologi yang mengagungkan kebebasan. Ada dua macam Liberalisme, yakni Liberalisme Klasik dan Liberallisme Modern. Liberalisme Klasik timbul pada awal abad ke 16. Sedangkan Liberalisme Modern mulai muncul sejak abad ke-20. Namun, bukan berarti setelah ada Liberalisme Modern, Liberalisme Klasik akan hilang begitu saja atau tergantikan oleh Liberalisme Modern, karena hingga kini, nilai-nilai dari Liberalisme Klasik itu masih ada. Liberalisme Modern tidak mengubah hal-hal yang mendasar ; hanya mengubah hal-hal lainnya atau dengan kata lain, nilai intinya (core values) tidak berubah hanya ada tambahan-tanbahan saja dalam versi yang baru. Jadi sesungguhnya, masa Liberalisme Klasik itu tidak pernah berakhir.
Dalam Liberalisme Klasik, keberadaan individu dan kebebasannya sangatlah diagungkan. Setiap individu memiliki kebebasan berpikir masing-masing – yang akan menghasilkan paham baru. Ada dua paham, yakni demokrasi (politik) dan kapitalisme (ekonomi). Meskipun begitu, bukan berarti kebebasan yang dimiliki individu itu adalah kebebasan yang mutlak, karena kebebasan itu adalah kebebasan yang harus dipertanggungjawabkan. Jadi, tetap ada keteraturan di dalam ideologi ini, atau dengan kata lain, bukan bebas yang sebebas-bebasnya.

Pemikiran Tokoh Klasik dalam Kelahiran dan Perkembangan Liberalisme Klasik

Tokoh yang memengaruhi paham Liberalisme Klasik cukup banyak – baik itu dari awal maupun sampai taraf perkembangannya. Berikut ini akan dijelaskan mengenai pandangan yang relevan dari tokoh-tokoh terkait mengenai Liberalisme Klasik.

Marthin Luther dalam Reformasi Agama

Gerakan Reformasi Gereja pada awalnya hanyalah serangkaian protes kaum bangsawan dan penguasa Jerman terhadap kekuasaan imperium Katolik Roma. Pada saat itu keberadaan agama sangat mengekang individu. Tidak ada kebebasan, yang ada hanyalah dogma-dogma agama serta dominasi gereja. Pada perkembangan berikutnya, dominasi gereja dirasa sangat menyimpang dari otoritasnya semula. Individu menjadi tidak berkembang, kerena mereka tidak boleh melakukan hal-hal yang dilarang oleh Gereja bahkan dalam mencari penemuan ilmu pengetahuan sekalipun. Kemudian timbullah kritik dari beberapa pihak – misalnya saja kritik oleh Marthin Luther; seperti : adanya komersialisasi agama dan ketergantungan umat terhadap para pemuka agama, sehingga menyebabkan manusia menjadi tidak berkembang; yang berdampak luas, sehingga pada puncaknya timbul sebuah reformasi gereja (1517) yang menyulut kebebasan dari para individu yang tadinya “terkekang”.

John Locke dan Hobbes; konsep State of Nature yang berbeda

Kedua tokoh ini berangkat dari sebuah konsep sama. Yakni sebuah konsep yang dinamakan konsep negara alamaiah” atau yang lebih dikenal dengan konsep State of Nature. Namun dalam perkembangannya, kedua pemikir ini memiliki pemikiran yang sama sekali bertolak belakang satu sama lainnya. Jika ditinjau dari awal, konsepsi State of Nature yang mereka pahami itu sesungguhnya berbeda. Hobbes (1588 – 1679) berpandangan bahwa dalam ‘’State of Nature’’, individu itu pada dasarnya jelek (egois) – sesuai dengan fitrahnya. Namun, manusia ingin hidup damai. Oleh karena itu mereka membentuk suatu masyarakat baru – suatu masyarakat politik yang terkumpul untuk membuat perjanjian demi melindungi hak-haknya dari individu lain dimana perjanjian ini memerlukan pihak ketiga (penguasa). Sedangkan John Locke (1632 – 1704) berpendapat bahwa individu pada State of Nature adalah baik, namun karena adanya kesenjangan akibat harta atau kekayaan, maka khawatir jika hak individu akan diambil oleh orang lain sehingga mereka membuat perjanjian yang diserahkan oleh penguasa sebagai pihak penengah namun harus ada syarat bagi penguasa sehingga tidak seperti ‘membeli kucing dalam karung’. Sehingga, mereka memiliki bentuk akhir dari sebuah penguasa/ pihak ketiga (Negara), dimana Hobbes berpendapat akan timbul Negara Monarkhi Absolute sedangkan Locke, Monarkhi Konstitusional. Bertolak dari kesemua hal tersebut, kedua pemikir ini sama-sama menyumbangkan pemikiran mereka dalam konsepsi individualisme. Inti dari terbentuknya Negara, menurut Hobbes adalah demi kepentingan umum (masing-masing individu) meskipun baik atau tidaknya Negara itu kedepannya tergantung pemimpin negara. Sedangkan Locke berpendapat, keberadaan Negara itu akan dibatasi oleh individu sehingga kekuasaan Negara menjadi terbatas – hanya sebagai “penjaga malam” atau hanya bertindak sebagai penetralisasi konflik.

Adam Smith

Para ahli ekonomi dunia menilai bahwa pemikiran mahzab ekonomi klasik merupakan dasar sistem ekonomi kapitalis. Menurut Sumitro Djojohadikusumo, haluan pandangan yang mendasari seluruh pemikiran mahzab klasik mengenai masalah ekonomi dan politik bersumber pada falsafah tentang tata susunan masyarakat yang sebaiknya dan seyogyanya didasarkan atas hukum alam yang secara wajar berlaku dalam kehidupan masyarakat. Salah satu pemikir ekonomi klasik adalah Adam Smith (1723-1790). Pemikiran Adam Smith mengenai politik dan ekonomi yang sangat luas, oleh Sumitro Djojohadikusumo dirangkum menjadi tiga kelompok pemikiran. Pertama, haluan pandangan Adam Smith tidak terlepas dari falsafah politik, kedua, perhatian yang ditujukan pada identifikasi tentang faktor-faktor apa dan kekuatan-kekuatan yang manakah yang menentukan nilai dan harga barang. Ketiga, pola, sifat, dan arah kebijaksanaan negara yang mendukung kegiatan ekonomi ke arah kemajuan dan kesejahteraan mesyarakat. Singkatnya, segala kekuatan ekonomi seharusnya diatur oleh kekuatan pasar dimana kedudukan manusia sebagai individulah yang diutamakan, begitu pula dalam politik.

Relevansi kekuatan Individu Liberalisme Klasik dalam Demokrasi dan Kapitalisme

Telah dikatakan bahwa setidaknya ada dua paham yang relevan atau menyangkut Liberalisme Klasik. Dua paham itu adalah paham mengenai Demokrasi dan Kapitalisme.

* Demokrasi dan Kebebasan Dalam pengertian Demokrasi, termuat nilai-nilai hak asasi manusia, karena demokrasi dan Hak-hak asasi manusia merupakan satu kesatuan yang tidak dapat dipisahkan antara yang satu dengan yang lainnya. Sebuah negara yang mengaku dirinya demokratis mestilah mempraktekkan dengan konsisten mengenai penghormatan pada hak-hak asasi manusia, karena demokrasi tanpa penghormatan terhadap hak-hak asasi setiap anggota masyarakat, bukanlah demokrasi melainkan hanyalah fasisme atau negara totalitarian yang menindas.
Jelaslah bahwa demokrasi berlandaskan nilai hak kebebasan manusia. Kebebasan yang melandasi demokrasi haruslah kebebasan yang positif – yang bertanggungjawab, dan bukan kebebasan yang anarkhis. Kebebasan atau kemerdekaan di dalam demokrasi harus menopang dan melindungi demokrasi itu dengan semua hak-hak asasi manusia yang terkandung di dalamnya. Kemerdekaan dalam demokrasi mendukung dan memiliki kekuatan untuk melindungi demokrasi dari ancaman-ancaman yang dapat menghancurkan demokrasi itu sendiri. Demokrasi juga mengisyaratkan penghormatan yang setinggi-tingginya pada kedaulatan Rakyat.

* Kapitalisme dan Kebebasan Tatanan ekonomi memainkan peranan rangkap dalam memajukan masyarakat yang bebas. Di satu pihak, kebebasan dalam tatanan ekonomi itu sendiri merupakan komponen dari kebebasan dalam arti luas ; jadi, kebebasan di bidang ekonomi itu sendiri menjadi tujuan. Di pihak lain, kebebasan di bidang ekonomi adalah juga cara yang sangat yang diperlukan untuk mencapai kebebasan politik. Pada dasarnya, hanya ada dua cara untuk mengkoordinasikan aktivitas jutaan orang di bidang ekonomi. Cara pertama ialah bimbingan terpusat yang melibatkan penggunaan paksaan – tekniknya tentara dan negara dan negara totaliter yang modern. Cara lain adalah kerjasama individual secara sukarela – tekniknya sebuah sistem pasaran. Selama kebebasan untuk mengadakan sistem transaksi dipertahankan secara efektif, maka ciri pokok dari usaha untuk mengatur aktivitas ekonomi melalui sistem pasaran adalah bahwa ia mencegah campur tangan seseorang terhadap orang lain. Jadi terbukti bahwa kapitalisme adalah salah satu perwujudan dari kerangka pemikiran liberal.

Source: http://id.wikipedia.org/wiki/Liberalisme

Komparativu Politika Liberal…!

Liberal and Progressives in Comparative politics

James Garrett
March 15, 2010

My intention is to show there is no difference between Liberal, progressives or socialist and a communist. These are most of the different major political systems used in the last 100 years. This page will show and compare what they practice in their social structure and there effects on the economies in these political systems. This is also to prove there is no difference from political beliefs’ of Liberals, progressives, Socialism, Communism, Nazism, and Fascism, Each is from Wikipedia and is not my explanation. I comment on these political systems to show that all these experimental social and economic systems and they are economic systems before they are social systems, as there very title claims they are. They are all the same in their political beliefs and they have the same economic structure and affects. They are all very different from the capitalist free market and property rights system that the constitution allows for in the United States. We are unique.

 

Comparative politics and Socialism

Socialism refers to the various theories of economic organization advocating both public or direct worker ownership and administration of the means of production and allocation of resources. A more comprehensive definition of socialism is an economic system that has transcended commodity production and wage labor, where economic activity is carried out to maximize use-value as opposed to exchange-value and thus a corresponding change in social and economic relations, including the organization of economic institutions and resource allocation; often implying advocacy for a method of compensation based on the amount of labor expended.

Most socialists share the view that capitalism unfairly concentrates power and wealth among a small segment of society that controls capital and derives its wealth through exploitation, creates an unequal society, does not provide equal opportunities for everyone to maximize their potential and does not utilize technology and resources to their maximum potential nor in the interests of the public.

Many socialists, from Henri de Saint-Simon, one of the founders of early socialism (Utopian Socialism), to Friedrich Engels and Karl Marx, advocated for the creation of a society that allows for the widespread application of modern technology to rationalize economic activity by eliminating the anarchy of capitalist production. They reasoned that this would allow for wealth and power to be distributed based on the amount of work expended in production, although there is disagreement among socialists over how and to what extent this can be achieved.

Socialism is not a concrete philosophy of fixed doctrine and program; its branches advocate a degree of social interventionism and economic rationalization (usually in the form of economic planning), but sometimes oppose each other. A dividing feature of the socialist movement is the split between reformists and revolutionaries on how a socialist economy should be established. Some socialists advocate complete nationalization of the means of production, distribution, and exchange; others advocate state control of capital within the framework of a market economy.

Socialists inspired by the Soviet model of economic development have advocated the creation of centrally planned economies directed by a state that owns all the means of production. Others, including Yugoslavian, Hungarian, German and Chinese communist governments in the 1970s and 1980s, have instituted various forms of market socialism, combining co-operative and state ownership models with the free market exchange and free price system (but not free prices for the means of production). Modern social democrats propose selective nationalization of key national industries in mixed economies, while maintaining private ownership of capital and private business enterprise. (In the 19th and early 20th century the term was used to refer to those who wanted to completely replace capitalism with socialism through reform.) Modern social democrats also promote tax-funded welfare programs and regulation of markets; many, particularly in European welfare states, refer to themselves as socialists, despite holding pro-capitalist viewpoints, thus adding ambiguity to the meaning of the term “socialist”. Libertarian socialism (including social anarchism and libertarian Marxism) rejects state control and ownership of the economy altogether and advocates direct collective ownership of the means of production via co-operative workers’ councils and workplace democracy.

Modern socialism originated in the late 18th-century intellectual and working class political movement that criticized the effects of industrialization and private ownership on society. The utopian socialists, including Robert Owen (1771–1858), tried to found self-sustaining communes by secession from a capitalist society. Henri de Saint Simon (1760–1825), the first individual to coin the term socialism, was the original thinker who advocated technocracy and industrial planning. The first socialists predicted a world improved by harnessing technology and combining it with better social organization, and many contemporary socialists share this same belief. Early socialist thinkers tended to favor an authentic meritocracy combined with rational social planning, while many modern socialists have a more egalitarian approach.
Vladimir Lenin, drawing on Karl Marx’s ideas of “lower” and “upper” stages of socialism defined socialism as a transitional stage between capitalism and communism. Marx, Engels in the Communist Manifesto wrote the economic and political philosophy of social Communism

 

Comparative politics and Communism

Communism is a social structure in which classes are abolished and property is commonly controlled, as well as a political philosophy and social movement that advocates and aims to create such a society. Karl Marx, the father of communist thought, posited that communism would be the final stage in society, which would be achieved through a proletarian revolution and only possible after a socialist stage develops the productive forces, leading to a superabundance of goods and services.

“Pure communism” in the Marxian sense refers to a classless, stateless and oppression-free society where decisions on what to produce and what policies to pursue are made democratically, allowing every member of society to participate in the decision-making process in both the political and economic spheres of life. In modern usage, communism is often used to refer to the policies of the various communist states which were authoritarian governments that had ownership of all the means of production and centrally planned economies. Most communist governments based their ideology on Marxism-Leninism.

As a political ideology, communism is usually considered to be a branch of socialism; a broad group of economic and political philosophies that draw on the various political and intellectual movements with origins in the work of theorists of the Industrial Revolution and the French Revolution. Communism attempts to offer an alternative to the problems with the capitalist market economy and the legacy of imperialism and nationalism.
Marx states that the only way to solve these problems is for the working class (proletariat), who according to Marx is the main producers of wealth in society and are exploited by the Capitalist-class (bourgeoisie), to replace the bourgeoisie as the ruling class in order to establish a free society, without class or racial divisions. The dominant forms of communism, such as Leninism, Stalinism, Maoism and Trotskyism are based on Marxism, as well as others forms of communism (such as Luxemburgism and Council communism), but non-Marxist versions of communism (such as Christian communism and Anarchist communism) also exist.

Karl Marx never provided a detailed description as to how communism would function as an economic system, but it is understood that a communist economy would consist of common ownership of the means of production, culminating in the negation of the concept of private ownership of capital, which referred to the means of production in Marxian terminology.

My observations are there is no difference between Socialism and Communism The real time historical affects of these system were both social and economic failures from there very beginnings. In communist Russia the social aspect is they killed as many as 80 million of their own people intentional, in a slave camp called the gulag. Then in socialist communist China they killed 70 million of their people. Socialism and Communism are the same system and has shown that the eventual result of trying to force a collective of people to act against the will of human nature will never work. The only way it could ever work is if people were machines or robots that could be programmed and we are human beings not machines.

Human nature cannot be brainwashed out of people no matter how many people to kill you can’t breed it out. The only result is more resistance to the system. Human nature cannot be bread out of people by killing of the ones who refuse to accept it. The only person who could come up with a system like Socialism or Communism is someone who had no understanding of human nature. I will say it here; Karl Marx and Engle’s were both complete idiots. Anyone who follows there beliefs and thinks these idiots were geniuses also has no understanding of human nature and they are also idiots following idiots.

 

Comparative politics and Nazism

Nazism (National Socialism), variously denotes the totalitarian ideology and practice of the Nazi Party (National Socialist German Workers’ Party), and Adolf Hitler’s government as dictator of Nazi Germany, from 1933 to 1945.
Politically, Nazism is a variety of fascism that incorporated elements from left-wing and right-wing ideologies, but, in practice, is a form of far right politics. In Germany, the Nazis were one of several political organizations who used the term National Socialism to describe their ideology, and themselves as National Socialists; in the 1920s, the Nazis became the greatest such political group. In 1920, the Nazi Party presented its 25 point National Socialist Program, its key elements being anti-parliamentarism, Pan-Germanism, racism, collectivism, Social Darwinism, eugenics, anti-Semitism, anti-Communism, totalitarianism, and opposition to economic and political liberalism.

In the 1930s, Nazism was not an ideological monolith, but a principally German conflation of ideologies and philosophies centered upon nationalism, anti-Communism, traditionalism, and the ethno state. Integral to the early Nazi movement, were political groups Strasserism and the Black Front, who were motivated to political action by anger about the Treaty of Versailles conditions upon Germany, and a perceived, internal Jewish–Communist conspiracy to humiliate Germany at the end of the First World War (1914–18). The politico-economic ills of defeated Germany proved critical to National Socialist ideological consolidation, and, with its constitutional criticisms of the Weimar Republic, politically allowed the Nazi Party to assume the government of Germany in 1933.

In response to the instability created by the Great Depression, the Nazis sought a Third Way managed economy that was neither capitalism nor communism. Nazi rule effectively ended on May 7, 1945, V-E Day, when the Nazis unconditionally surrendered to the Allied Powers, who took over Germany’s administration until Germany could form its own democratic government

 

Comparative politics and Fascism

Fascism is a radical and authoritarian nationalist political ideology. Fascists seek to organize a nation on corporatist perspectives; values; and systems such as the political system and the economy. Scholars generally consider it to be on the far right of the conventional left-right political spectrum, although some scholars claim that fascism has been influenced by both the left and the right.

Fascists believe that a nation is an organic community that requires strong leadership, collective identity, and the will and ability to commit violence and wage war in order to keep the nation strong. Fascists identify violence and war as actions that create national regeneration, spirit and vitality. Fascists claim that culture is created by collective national society and its state, that cultural ideas are what give individuals identity, and thus rejects individualism. Fascism rejects and resists autonomy of cultural or ethnic groups who are not considered part of the fascists’ nation and who refuse to assimilate or are unable to be assimilated. Fascists consider attempts to create such autonomy as an affront and threat to the nation. Fascists advocate the creation of a single-party state. Fascist governments forbid and suppress openness and opposition to the fascist state and the fascist movement. Fascists oppose class conflict, blame capitalism and liberal democracies for its creation, and accuse communists of exploiting the concept.

In the economic sphere, many fascist leaders have claimed to support a “Third Way” in economic policy, which they believed superior to both the rampant individualism of unrestrained capitalism and the severe control of state socialism. This was to be achieved by establishing significant government control over business and labor (Italian fascist leader Benito Mussolini called his nation’s system “the corporate state”) No common and concise definition exists for fascism and historians and political scientists disagree on what should be in any such definition.

Following the defeat of the Axis powers in World War II and the publicity surrounding the atrocities committed during the period of fascist governments, the term fascist has been used as a pejorative word, often referring to widely varying movements across the political spectrum.

 

Comparative politics and Capitalism

Capitalism is an economic and social system in which capital and land, the non-labor factors of production (also known as the means of production), are privately owned. Labor, goods and resources are traded in markets; and profit, after taxes, is distributed to the owners or invested in technologies and industries. Also see rise of financial capitalism, which controls all other forms of capitalism.

There is no consensus on the definition of capitalism, nor how it should be used as an analytical category. There are a variety of historical cases over which it is applied, varying in time, geography, politics and culture. Economists, political economists and historians have taken different perspectives on the analysis of capitalism. Scholars in the social sciences, including historians, economic sociologists, economists, anthropologists and philosophers have debated over how to define capitalism; however there is little controversy that private ownership of the means of production, creation of goods or services for profit in a market, and prices and wages are elements of capitalism.

Economists usually put emphasis on the market medievalism; degree of government does not have control over markets (laissez faire), and property rights. While most political economists emphasize private property, power relations, wage labor, and class. There is a general agreement that capitalism encourages economic growth. The extent, to which different markets are “free”, as well as the rules determining what may and may not be private property, is a matter of politics and policy and many states have what are termed “mixed economies.

Capitalism as a system developed incrementally from the 16th century in Europe, although capitalist-like organizations existed in the ancient world, and early aspects of merchant capitalism flourished during the Late Middle Ages. Capitalism became dominant in the Western world following the demise of feudalism. Capitalism gradually spread throughout Europe, and in the 19th and 20th centuries, it provided the main means of industrialization throughout much of the world.

There are a few items in capitalists systems I would point out here that has made the United States the wealthiest country in the world. The first is property rights which I think is the single thing that has made this country to become so prosperous. The United States is a capitalist county allowed by its founding documents the called constitution. It is the economics of any political system that either makes a country prosper or creates great poverty and despair. There is a vast difference in the standard of living when comparing communist Russia or china before Capitalism and the United States which has always been a capitalist economy. Once those two communist countries embrace what they claimed to dislike so much, their standard of living increase by 500%. Some will say even after those facts that somehow Socialism or communism is better. Those people are liberals and progressives.

 

Comparative politics and liberal and progressive democrats

Some people like the liberal, progressive democrats will be the first to say that not everyone shares in that wealth of a capitalist economic system and the constitution doesn’t provide for those people and we have 36 million people living in poverty. But every one of those people do get the help on some kind of a social program. It hasn’t changed their status. The poor will always be with us. It is the Capitalism that allows the wealth to pay for the welfare and social security. The socialism fails when you run out of people to steal from. If you take too much money in the form of taxes from the working public sector economy you risk collapsing the economic system and then there no one left to steal from to support the social programs. Are they stupid?

In our capitalist economic system everyone has the right to participate in the wealth that is available in our system. It is by choice that people stay in the social programs. I have known far too many of these welfare recipients personally for anyone to tell me any different. Liberal, progressive democrats act like these people are forced to live in poverty and those lousy republicans and the capitalists that are doing it to them. All the social programs for the poor are created by the liberal, progressive democrats and they are the ones keeping those people write were they are. This almost forces these self impoverished people to vote for the very people that keep them were they are. When welfare reform was passed in 1996 when bill Clinton was President 12 million people got off the welfare rolls and got jobs and no one starved to death or wound up living in the streets. The main reason the large number of people on these programs and living in poverty grows is there population grows and 1 million illegal aliens a year come up from South America and there all uneducated. In states like California most get on welfare immediately upon arrival. Being an illegal alien doesn’t stop a person from getting on welfare in some cities or states. Then the liberal, progressive democrats blame it on Capitalism and the republicans. When liberal, progressive democrats are the ones doing it. The general public seems to believe the lie as they keep voting in the same liberal, progressive democrats.

Comparative politics liberal, progressive democrats and the republicans.
Now let’s look at the political parties in America. We have two major parties the democrats and the republicans. Within these parties we have liberals and progressives in the Democratic Party. Then we have what is called conservatives’ in the Republican Party. What do they stand for in their political beliefs and practices? Let’s first look at the democrat party were the liberals and progressives are and do a study on what they claim they want in government. Also let’s examine the economic effects of each. That’s what it really always comes down to.

What can we afford and sustain, so we don’t destroy ourselves economically.
I want to make it clear that the dictionary does not properly define or explain what a modern day liberal or a progressive is for political purposes. These are nicely described words in the dictionary and if I took either one of those dictionary descriptions I might think I was a liberal or a progressive. Let’s start with the modern day liberal and see what they really believe in politically. In the days of our Founding Fathers the definition of Liberalism is light-years apart to how the definition is applied today to the modern liberal. The Modern Liberal is very much socialist leaning and simply does not fit the definition of liberalism. Liberal are and have been hiding behind words like progressive or liberal and they switch as soon as people figure out what they really are. Progressives or liberals really are Socialists or communist they are exactly the same thing.

 

Comparative politics Liberals and progressives

Liberals and progressives: This is from a Wikipedia description of Modern day liberals and progressives. American liberalism is a form of social liberalism developed from progressive ideals such as, Theodore Roosevelt’s New Nationalism, Woodrow Wilson’s New Freedom, and Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal. It combines social liberalism and social progressivism with support for a welfare state and a mixed economy. American liberal causes include voting rights for Black Southerners, freedom of choice for women, and government entitlements such as education and health care. Keynesian economic theory plays an influential role in the economic philosophy of American liberals. These policy stances adhere to the central premise that individual freedom can only exist when it is protected by a strong, democratically elected government that has an active role in society and the economy.

It is well known to those educated in American history that Franklin D. Roosevelt’s, Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson’s were all European style socialists or communist. I would point out here there is no difference economically between a socialist economy and a communist economy. Let’s brake down some of the things the Liberals and progressives believe in. We will also look at the history which proves there social and economic theories don’t work. Keynesian economic theory

Body of economic thought originated by the British economist and government adviser, John Maynard Keynes (1883-1946), whose landmark work, The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money, was published in 1935. Writing during the Great Depression, Keynes took issue with the classical economists, like Adam Smith, who believed that the economy worked best when left alone. Keynes believed that active government intervention in the marketplace was the only method of ensuring economic growth and stability. He held essentially that insufficient demand causes unemployment and that excessive demand results in inflation; government should therefore manipulate the level of aggregate demand by adjusting levels of government expenditure and taxation. For example, to avoid depression Keynes advocated increased government spending and Easy Money, resulting in more investment, higher employment, and increased consumer spending. (Keynes Theory had exactly the opposite affect.)

Keynesian economics has had great influence on the public economic policies of industrial nations, including the United States. In the 1980s, however, after repeated recessions, slow growth, and high rates of inflation in the U.S., a contrasting outlook, uniting monetarists and “supply siders blamed excessive government intervention for troubles in the economy.
Keynesian economics is severely flawed it was tried for 9 years in the great depression 1930 to 1939 and no positive effect on the economy. What did work was exactly the opposite of Keynesian economics. That is to cut government spending dramatically and cut taxes dramatically, giving the people control of the money. In 1920 there was a market crash that is never talked about because the liberals like controlling things and they control the educational system. But here is the truth and the facts that they don’t want you to know. In 1920 we had a similar situation as we had in 1930. What was done to correct the economy was cut taxes from 70% to 25% on the rich. Then Federal government spending was cut by 50% by 1923 unemployment went from 8.7% down to 1.8% and we got what is known as the roaring twenties. Now you know how it got that name. The recession only lasted from January 1920 to July 1921, or 18 months

What was the biggest cause of the depression of 1930 is the government went back to high taxes 70% on the rich, they raised interest rates dramatically. That cause the stock market to collapse and lead to the total bank collapse as well. Then we got the great depression. This was done under Herbert Hover he was a progressive republican. Notice and pay special attention to the word progressive Republican. It was Herbert Hover that gave progressives a bad name that’s when they changed to the word liberal and hide behind that for a while. Until Americans figured out Liberals were the same thing politically as a progressive. This is the exact same politically as a modern day liberal. They keep hiding behind words and changing as soon as Americans figure out what they really are politically. That’s what Keynesian economics is and that’s what Liberals and progressives democrats’ believe in. They believe in doing things that don’t work and have never worked and still keep trying the same failed policies. Need I point out the $787 billion stimulus package and we are still losing jobs after 1 full year we got nothing from it. Do you really want these clinically insane people running the country? If the liberal and progressive democrats told the people what they really believe in. They wouldn’t even be able to win an election in the cities or anywhere else in the United States.

Liberals and progressives believe in the support for a welfare state. I’ll keep this as short as possible. Take a ride to any big cities and drive though the areas that are supported by the welfare state or social programs. People used to refer to them as the slums. That should be all the evidence you need to prove it is not working for the people that live in the welfare state that Liberals and progressives believe in. To continually try to expand on something that has been a total failure from the start and to want to expand on it year after year and just watch things get worse, makes no logical sense at all. Do you really want these clinically insane people running the country?

Here is a little more information that conservatives and republicans may like. This is from Wikipedia. John Calvin Coolidge, Jr. (July 4, 1872 – January 5, 1933) was the 30th President of the United States (1923–1929). A Republican lawyer from Vermont, Coolidge worked his way up the ladder of Massachusetts state politics, eventually becoming governor of that state. Soon after, he was elected as the 29th Vice President in 1920 and succeeded to the Presidency upon the sudden death of Warren G. Harding in 1923. Elected in his own right in 1924, he gained a reputation as a small-government conservative.

Coolidge restored public confidence in the White House after the scandals of his predecessor’s administration, and left office with considerable popularity. As a Coolidge biographer put it, “He embodied the spirit and hopes of the middle class, could interpret their longings and express their opinions. That he did represent the genius of the average is the most convincing proof of his strength.” Many later criticized Coolidge as part of a general criticism of laissez-faire government or capitalism. His reputation underwent a renaissance during the Ronald Reagan Administration, but the ultimate assessment of his presidency is still divided between those who approve of his reduction of the size of government programs (conservatives) and those (progressives) who believe the federal government should be more involved in regulating and controlling the economy.

As you can see, if you understood all you read above the summary is that Liberals and progressives want more government intervention, more social programs for the welfare state referred to as balancing out the inequities with wealth redistribution, between the classes between rich the middle class and the poor. The bottom line is there are the same as a European socialist or a Russian or Chinese communist. They also have very close similarities to Nazism and Fascism. What stands in the way of what liberals and progressives want in the United States? Answer: The Constitution of the United States of America.

source:http://www.comparativepoliticseconomics.com/liberal.htm

Twelve and Duodecad (K-12)!

The word “twelve” is the largest number with a single-morpheme name in English. Etymology suggests that “twelve” (similar to “eleven”) arises from the Germanic compound twalif “two-leftover”, so a literal translation would yield “two remaining [after having ten taken]”.

This compound meaning may have been transparent to speakers of Old English, but the modern form “twelve” is quite opaque. Only the remaining tw- hints that twelve and two are related. A group of TWELVE things is called a Duodecad. The ordinal adjective is duodenary, twelfth. The adjective referring to a group consisting of twelve things is duodecuple.

The number twelve is often used as a sales unit in trade, and is often referred to as a dozen. Twelve dozen are known as a gross. (Note that there are thirteen items in a baker’s dozen.) As shown below, the number twelve is frequently cited in the Abrahamic religions and is also central to Western calendar and units of time.

IN MATHEMATICS

Twelve is a composite number, the smallest number with exactly six divisors, its divisors being 1, 2, 3, 4, 6 and 12. Twelve is also a highly composite number, the next one being 24. It is the first composite number of the form p2q; a square-prime, and also the first member of the (p2) family in this form. 12 has an aliquot sum of 16 (133% in abundance). Accordingly, 12 is the first abundant number (in fact a superabundant number) and demonstrates an 8 member aliquot sequence; {12,16,15,9,4,3,1,0} 12 is the 3rd composite number in the 3-aliquot tree.

The only number which has 12 as its aliquot sum is the square 121. Only 2 other square primes are abundant (18 and 20). Twelve is a sublime number, a number that has a perfect number of divisors, and the sum of its divisors is also a perfect number. Since there is a subset of 12’s proper divisors that add up to 12 (all of them but with 4 excluded), 12 is a semiperfect number. If an odd perfect number is of the form 12k + 1, it has at least twelve distinct prime factors.

Twelve is a superfactorial, being the product of the first three factorials. Twelve being the product of three and four, the first four positive integers show up in the equation 12 = 3 × 4, which can be continued with the equation 56 = 7 × 8. Twelve is the ninth Perrin number, preceded in the sequence by 5, 7, 10, and also appears in the Padovan sequence, preceded by the terms 5, 7, 9 (it is the sum of the first two of these). It is the fourth Pell number, preceded in the sequence by 2 and 5 (it is the sum of the former plus twice the latter).

A twelve-sided polygon is a dodecagon. A twelve-faced polyhedron is a dodecahedron. Regular cubes and octahedrons both have 12 edges, while regular icosahedrons have 12 vertices. Twelve is a pentagonal number. The densest three-dimensional lattice sphere packing has each sphere touching 12 others, and this is almost certainly true for any arrangement of spheres (the Kepler conjecture). Twelve is also the kissing number in three dimensions. Twelve is the smallest weight for which a cusp form exists. This cusp form is the discriminant Δ(q) whose Fourier coefficients are given by the Ramanujan τ-function and which is (up to a constant multiplier) the 24th power of the Dedekind eta function.

This fact is related to a constellation of interesting appearances of the number twelve in mathematics ranging from the value of the Riemann zeta function function at -1 i.e. ζ(-1)=-1/12, the fact that the abelianization of SL(2,Z) has twelve elements, and even the properties of lattice polygons. There are twelve Jacobian elliptic functions and twelve cubic distance-transitive graphs.

The duodecimal system (1210 [twelve] = 1012), which is the use of 12 as a division factor for many ancient and medieval weights and measures, including hours, probably originates from Mesopotamia. In base thirteen and higher bases (such as hexadecimal), twelve is represented as C. In base 10, the number 12 is a Harshad number.

IN EXPONENTIATION

1             2              3                4                       5
12         144          1728           20736             248832

 

IN SCIENCE

• The atomic number of magnesium in the periodic table.

• The human body has twelve cranial nerves.

• The duodenum (from Latin duodecim, “twelve”) is the first part of the small intestine, that is about twelve inches long. More precisely, this section of the intestine was measured not in inches but in fingerwidths. In fact, in German the name of the duodenum is Zwölffingerdarm and in Dutch the name is twaalfvingerige darm, both meaning “twelve-finger bowel.”

• Force 12 on the Beaufort wind force scale corresponds to the maximum wind speed of a hurricane.

 

IN ASTRONOMY

• Messier object M12, a magnitude 8.0 globular cluster in the constellation Ophiuchus

• The New General Catalogue object NGC 12, a magnitude 13.1 spiral galaxy in the constellation Pisces

• The Saros number of the solar eclipse series which began on 2680 BC BC August and ended on 1129 BC BC February. The duration of Saros series 12 was 1550.5 years, and it contained 87 solar eclipses.

• The Saros number of the lunar eclipse series which began on 2360 BC BC May and ended on 1062 BC BC July. The duration of Saros series 12 was 1298.1 years, and it contained 73 lunar eclipses.

• The 12th moon of Jupiter is Lysithea.

 

IN RELIGION

There are twelve ‘ Jyotirlingas’ (epitome of God Shiva) in Hindu Shaivism. The shaivites (orthodox devotees of God Shiva) treat them with great respect and these are visited by almost every pious Hindu at least once in a lifetime.

The number 12 is very important in many religions, mainly Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, and also found in some older religions and belief systems. In Antiquity there are numerous magical/religious uses of twelves.

Ancient Greek religion, the Twelve Olympians were the principal gods of the pantheon. The chief Norse god, Odin, had 12 sons. Several sets of twelve cities are identified in history as a dodecapolis, the most familiar being the Etruscan League. In the King Arthur Legend, Arthur is said to have subdued 12 rebel princes and to have won 12 great battles against Saxon invaders.

The importance of 12 in Judaism and Christianity can be found in the Bible. The biblical Jacob had 12 sons, who were the progenitors of the Twelve Tribes of Israel, while the New Testament describes twelve apostles of Jesus; when Judas Iscariot was disgraced, a meeting was held (Acts) to add Matthias to complete the number twelve once more. (Today, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints has a Quorum of the Twelve Apostles).

The Book of Revelation contains much numerical symbolism, and a lot of the numbers mentioned have 12 as a divisor. 12:1 mentions a woman — interpreted as the people of Israel, the Church or the Virgin Mary — wearing a crown of twelve stars (representing each of the twelve tribes of Israel). Furthermore, there are 12,000 people sealed from each of the twelve tribes of Israel, making a total of 144,000 (which is the square of 12 multiplied by a thousand).

In Orthodox Judaism, 12 signifies the age a girl matures (bat mitzvah) There are 12 days of Christmas. The song Twelve Days of Christmas came from the traditional practice of extending Yuletide celebrations over the twelve days from Christmas day to the eve of Epiphany; the period of thirteen days including Epiphany is sometimes known as Christmastide. Thus Twelfth Night is another name for the twelfth day of Christmas or January 5 (the eve of Epiphany). Similarly, Eastern Orthodoxy observes 12 Great Feasts.

In Shi’a Islam, there are twelve Imams, legitimate successors of the prophet Muhammad. These twelve early leaders of Islam are—Ali, Hasan, Husayn, and nine of Husayn’s descendants. Imāmah (Arabic: إمامة‎) is the Shī‘ah doctrine of religious, spiritual and political leadership of the Ummah. The Shī‘ah believe that the A’immah (“Imams”) are the true Caliphs or rightful successors of Muḥammad, and Twelver and Ismā‘īlī Shī‘ah further that Imams are possessed of supernatural knowledge, authority, and infallibility (‘Iṣmah) as well as being part of the Ahl al-Bayt, the family of Muhammad. Both beliefs distinguish the Shī‘ah from Sunnis.

In Hinduism, the sun god Surya has 12 names. Also, there are 12 Petals in Anahata(Heart Chakra.)

 

IN TIME

• Most calendar systems have twelve months in a year.

• The Western zodiac has twelve signs, as does the Chinese zodiac.

• The Chinese use a 12 year cycle for time-reckoning called Earthly Branches.

• There are twenty-four hours in a day in all, with twelve hours for a half a day. The hours are numbered from one to twelve for both the ante meridiem (a.m.) half of the day and the post meridiem (p.m.) half of the day. 12:00 after a.m. and before p.m. (in the middle of the day) is midday or noon, and 12:00 after p.m. and before a.m. (in the middle of the night) is midnight. A new day is considered to start with the stroke of midnight. The basic units of time (60 seconds, 60 minutes, 24 hours) can all perfectly divide by twelve.

IN TECHNOLOGY

• ASCII and Unicode code point for form feed.

• The number of function keys on most PC keyboards (F1 through F12)

• The number of keys in any standard digital telephone (1 through 9, 0, * and #) • Microsoft’s Rich Text Format specification assigns numbers congruent to 12 mod 256 to variants of the French language.

 

IN LITERATURE

• The Twelve is a poem by Aleksandr Blok

• Twelve is a novel by Nick McDonell • The Twelve Chairs is a satirical novel by the Soviet authors Ilf and Petrov

• Cheaper by the Dozen is a 1946 novel by Frank Bunker Gilbreth, Jr. and Ernestine Gilbreth Carey

• The Aeneid, an epic poem by Virgil is divided into two halves composed of twelve books.

• Paradise Lost, an epic poem by John Milton is divided into twelve books perhaps in imitation of the Aeneid

IN ART THEORY

• There are twelve basic hues in the color wheel; 3 primary colors (red, yellow, blue), 3 secondary colors (orange, green & purple) and 6 tertiary colors (names for these vary, but are intermediates between the primaries and secondaries).

 

source:http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/12_(28number)